2019년 9월 고3 모의고사
18
Dear New Members,
Welcome to Rock Climbing Club and hope you will get the most out of this rewarding sport. As beginners, you may be nervous in anticipation of your first climb. Many of you have asked about what climbing equipment to buy, such as boots, ropes, helmets, and gloves. You don’t have to bother yourself with these concerns. We offer a special service that will rent you all the equipment you will ever need for climbing. The rental service is always available for our members. Just come on Saturday, ask for the rental service, and be ready to have a fun climb. I look forward to seeing you all this Saturday at 9 a.m.
Sincerely, John B. Snyder
19
Rachel loved watching birds in the woods. However, she was confined to the house because of a broken leg. She turned on the TV but nothing was interesting. She tried to read a book but it was not fun at all. All she could do was sit, look at her broken leg, and watch the clock. As she was listening to the dull tick-tock of the clock, her phone vibrated. It was a message with an audio file from her dad. As she opened it, a huge smile spread across her face. Her dad had sent a recording of a little wren’s song ― her favorite bird song. Listening to the bright warm sounds lifted her spirits and made her day more pleasant.
20
Unless your company offers a class on how to give and receive feedback, don’t assume those around you, including your boss, know how to give negative feedback. They may be too aggressive. Too direct. Maybe even a little mean. Perhaps they are bad at giving feedback because no one ever taught them how. Or perhaps they’ve had bosses who were bad at giving them feedback. Try to brush aside the stuff that offends or upsets you to really try to hear what they are saying you can do better next time. And if they only tell you things like, “don’t let that happen again,” then work to figure out what you can do better next time, so that it doesn’t actually happen again. Preparing to solve a problem for next time feels better than getting upset about our failure to solve it this time.
21
For a long time, tourism was seen as a huge monster invading the areas of indigenous peoples, introducing them to the evils of the modern world. However, research has shown that this is not the correct way to perceive it. In most places, tourists are welcome and indigenous people see tourism as a path to modernity and economic development. But such development is always a two-edged sword. Tourism can mean progress, but most often also means the loss of traditions and cultural uniqueness. And, of course, there are examples of ‘cultural pollution’, ‘vulgarization’ and ‘phony-folk-cultures’. The background for such characteristics is often more or less romantic and the normative ideas of a former or prevailing authenticity. Ideally (to some) there should exist ancient cultures for modern consumers to gaze at, or even step into for a while, while travelling or on holiday. This is a cage model that is difficult to defend in a global world where we all, indigenous or not, are part of the same social fabric.
22
While genetic advancements are often reported as environmentally dependent or modest in effect size in academic publications, these are often translated to the public in deterministic language through the media. Sociologists of genetics argue that media portrayals of genetic influences on health have increased considerably over time, becoming part of the public discourse through which individuals understand symptoms, make help-seeking decisions, and form views of people with particular traits or conditions. The media is the primary source of information about genetic advances and their applications, but it does not provide a neutral discourse. Rather, information is selectively included or ignored, and scientific and clinical implications of genetic discoveries are often inaccurate or overstated. This “genetic optimism” has influenced public opinion, and research suggests that ordinary people are largely accepting of genetic explanations for health and behavior and tend to overestimate the heritability of common diseases for biological relatives.
23
Libraries are becoming increasingly interested in the services they are providing for their users. This is an important focus ― especially as more and more information becomes available electronically. However, the traditional strengths of libraries have always been their collections. This is true still today ― especially in research libraries. Also, collection makeup is the hardest thing to change quickly. For example, if a library has a long tradition of heavily collecting materials published in Mexico, then even if that library stops purchasing all Mexican imprints, its Mexican collection will still be large and impressive for several years to come unless they start withdrawing books. Likewise, if a library has not collected much in a subject, and then decides to start collecting heavily in that area it will take several years for the collection to be large enough and rich enough to be considered an important research tool.
24
From the late nineteenth century on, the dullness found in the senile, their isolation and withdrawal, their clinging to the past and lack of interest in worldly affairs were characteristically represented as the symptoms of senility ― the social shame of the inevitable deterioration of the brain. Following World War II, academic discourse on aging typically represented these as the causes of senility. The location of senile mental deterioration was no longer the aging brain but a society that, through involuntary retirement, social isolation, and the loosening of traditional family ties, stripped the elderly of the roles that had sustained meaning in their lives. When elderly people were deprived of these meaningful social roles, when they became increasingly isolated and were cut off from the interests and activities that had earlier occupied them, not surprisingly their mental functioning deteriorated. The elderly did not so much lose their minds as lose their place.
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Born in 1927 in Cleveland, Ohio, Carl Stokes had a hard time early in his life. When he was a young child, his father died. As he grew up, he held many odd jobs to help his family. Stokes graduated from Cleveland-Marshall College of Law and passed the bar exam. He established a law firm in 1962. A few years later, he ran for Mayor of Cleveland and lost, but he entered the race again in the next election and won. He became the first African-American mayor of the city. After retiring from politics, he moved to New York City and became a TV news anchor. Later in his life, he was appointed the U.S. Ambassador to the Republic of Seychelles. His amazing life finally came to an end in his birth city in 1996.
29
To begin with a psychological reason, the knowledge of another’s personal affairs can tempt the possessor of this information to repeat it as gossip because as unrevealed information it remains socially inactive. Only when the information is repeated can its possessor turn the fact that he knows something into something socially valuable like social recognition, prestige, and notoriety. As long as he keeps his information to himself, he may feel superior to those who do not know it. But knowing and not telling does not give him that feeling of “superiority that, so to say, latently contained in the secret, fully actualizes itself only at the moment of disclosure.” This is the main motive for gossiping about well-known figures and superiors. The gossip producer assumes that some of the “fame” of the subject of gossip, as whose “friend” he presents himself, will rub off on him.
30
One misconception that often appears in the writings of physical scientists who are looking at biology from the outside is that the environment appears to them to be a static entity, which cannot contribute new bits of information as evolution progresses. This, however, is by no means the case. Far from being static, the environment is constantly changing and offering new challenges to evolving populations. For higher organisms, the most significant changes in the environment are those produced by the contemporaneous evolution of other organisms. The evolution of a horse’s hoof from a five-toed foot has enabled the horse to gallop rapidly over open plains. But such galloping is of no advantage to a horse unless it is being chased by a predator. The horse’s efficient mechanism for running would never have evolved except for the fact that meat-eating predators were at the same time evolving more efficient methods of attack. Consequently, laws based upon ecological relationships among different kinds of organisms are essential for understanding evolution and the diversity of life to which it has given rise.
31
When you begin to tell a story again that you have retold many times, what you retrieve from memory is the index to the story itself. That index can be embellished in a variety of ways. Over time, even the embellishments become standardized. An old man’s story that he has told hundreds of times shows little variation, and any variation that does exist becomes part of the story itself, regardless of its origin. People add details to their stories that may or may not have occurred. They are recalling indexes and reconstructing details. If at some point they add a nice detail, not really certain of its validity, telling the story with that same detail a few more times will ensure its permanent place in the story index. In other words, the stories we tell time and again are identical to the memory we have of the events that the story relates.
32
With population growth slowing, the strongest force increasing demand for more agricultural production will be rising incomes, which are desired by practically all governments and individuals. Although richer people spend smaller proportions of their income on food, in total they consume more food ― and richer food, which contributes to various kinds of disease and debilitation. The changes in diet that usually accompany higher incomes will require relatively greater increases in the production of feed grains, rather than food grains, as foods of animal origin partly displace plant-based foods in people’s diets. It takes two to six times more grain to produce food value through animals than to get the equivalent value directly from plants. It is thus quite credible to estimate that in order to meet economic and social needs within the next three to five decades, the world should be producing more than twice as much grain and agricultural products as at present, but in ways that these are accessible to the food-insecure.
33
If one looks at the Oxford definition, one gets the sense that post-truth is not so much a claim that truth does not exist as that facts are subordinate to our political point of view. The Oxford definition focuses on “what” post-truth is: the idea that feelings sometimes matter more than facts. But just as important is the next question, which is why this ever occurs. Someone does not argue against an obvious or easily confirmable fact for no reason; he or she does so when it is to his or her advantage. When a person’s beliefs are threatened by an “inconvenient fact,” sometimes it is preferable to challenge the fact. This can happen at either a conscious or unconscious level (since sometimes the person we are seeking to convince is ourselves), but the point is that this sort of post-truth relationship to facts occurs only when we are seeking to assert something that is more important to us than the truth itself.
34
The debates between social and cultural anthropologists concern not the differences between the concepts but the analytical priority: which should come first, the social chicken or the cultural egg? British anthropology emphasizes the social. It assumes that social institutions determine culture and that universal domains of society (such as kinship, economy, politics, and religion) are represented by specific institutions (such as the family, subsistence farming, the British Parliament, and the Church of England) which can be compared cross-culturally. American anthropology emphasizes the cultural. It assumes that culture shapes social institutions by providing the shared beliefs, the core values, the communicative tools, and so on that make social life possible. It does not assume that there are universal social domains, preferring instead to discover domains empirically as aspects of each society’s own classificatory schemes ― in other words, its culture. And it rejects the notion that any social institution can be understood in isolation from its own context.
35
Much of what we do each day is automatic and guided by habit, requiring little conscious awareness, and that’s not a bad thing. As Duhigg explains, our habits are necessary mental energy savers. We need to relieve our conscious minds so we can solve new problems as they come up. Once we’ve solved the puzzle of how to ballroom dance, for example, we can do it by habit, and so be mentally freed to focus on a conversation while dancing instead. But try to talk when first learning to dance the tango, and it’s a disaster ― we need our conscious attention to focus on the steps. Imagine how little we’d accomplish if we had to focus consciously on every behavior ― e.g., on where to place our feet for each step we take.
36
But freedom in space (and limits on its territorial extent) is merely one characteristic of sovereignty. Freedom in time (and limits on its temporal extent) is equally important and probably more fundamental. Sovereignty and citizenship require freedom from the past at least as much as freedom from contemporary powers. No state could be sovereign if its inhabitants lacked the ability to change a course of action adopted by their forefathers in the past, or even one to which they once committed themselves. No citizen could be a full member of the community so long as she was tied to ancestral traditions with which the community might wish to break ― the problem of Antigone in Sophocles’ tragedy. Sovereignty and citizenship thus require not only borders in space, but also borders in time.
37
The assumption that what is being studied can be understood in terms of causal laws is called determinism. Richard Taylor defined determinism as the philosophical doctrine that “states that for everything that ever happens there are conditions such that, given them, nothing else could happen.” The determinist, then, assumes that everything that occurs is a function of a finite number of causes and that, if these causes were known, an event could be predicted with complete accuracy. However, knowing all causes of an event is not necessary; the determinist simply assumes that they exist and that as more causes are known, predictions become more accurate. For example, almost everyone would agree that the weather is a function of a finite number of variables such as sunspots, high-altitude jet streams, and barometric pressure; yet weather forecasts are always probabilistic because many of these variables change constantly, and others are simply unknown.
38
There is obviously a wide gap between the promises of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948 and the real world of human-rights violations. In so far as we sympathize with the victims, we may criticize the UN and its member governments for failing to keep their promises. However, we cannot understand the gap between human-rights ideals and the real world of human-rights violations by sympathy or by legal analysis. Rather, it requires investigation by the various social sciences of the causes of social conflict and political oppression, and of the interaction between national and international politics. The UN introduced the concept of human rights into international law and politics. The field of international politics is, however, dominated by states and other powerful actors (such as multinational corporations) that have priorities other than human rights. It is a leading feature of the human-rights field that the governments of the world proclaim human rights but have a highly variable record of implementing them. We must understand why this is so.
39
Representational theories of art treat the work of the artist as similar to that of the scientist. Both, so to speak, are involved in describing the external world. But by the nineteenth century, any comparison between the scientist and the artist was bound to make the artist look like a poor relation in terms of making discoveries about the world or holding a mirror up to nature. Here, science clearly had the edge. So, there was a social pressure for art to come up with some vocation that both distinguished it from science and, at the same time, made it equal in stature to science. The notion that art specialized in the expression of the emotions was particularly attractive in this light. It rendered unto science its own ― the exploration of the objective world ― while saving something comparably important for art to do ― to explore the inner world of feeling. If science held the mirror up to nature, art turned a mirror at the self and its experiences.
40
Over the past few decades, architecture as an idea and practice has increasingly limited its definition of itself. In the foreseeable future, the instrumentality of architecture in effecting actual change ― that is, change that challenges the dominance of commercial institutions, their aims, and values ― will diminish. While the present day seems to be a time of unparalleled innovation and freedom of choice, the reality is that architectural styles and forms are often the attractive packaging and repackaging of the same proven, marketable concepts. The speed with which “radical” designs by celebrity architects achieve acceptance and popularity demonstrates that formal innovation has itself become an important commodity. However, beneath the cloak of radicalism, the conventions of existing building typologies and programs, with all their comforting familiarity, still rule ― and sell. What is needed desperately today are approaches to architecture that can free its potential to transform our ways of thinking and acting.